In late November 1829, public political gatherings in Caracas and Valencia backed breaking with the Bogotá-based central government. These decisions strengthened separatist leaders in Venezuela and signaled that Gran Colombia’s unity was failing. The moves also weakened the position of Santander’s allies in New Granada who wanted a constitutional, civilian-led system.
Simón Bolívar opened the so-called Admirable Congress in Bogotá to try to rewrite the constitution and preserve the union. The congress met as regional leaders increasingly doubted that a single central government could manage Venezuela, Ecuador (Quito), and New Granada together. Santander’s supporters treated the meeting as a last chance to restore constitutional rule after years of emergency politics.
After months of instability and his declining health, Bolívar’s resignation was accepted in early May 1830. This removed the person who had held the republic together through military prestige, and it intensified the struggle between centralists (often tied to Bolívar’s military network) and constitutionalists linked to Santander. The presidency now depended more on bargaining among regional and political blocs.
Gran Colombia held an indirect election in early May 1830, choosing Joaquín Mosquera as president and Domingo Caycedo as vice president. With Bolívar stepping aside, civilian politicians attempted to reassert constitutional government. For Santander’s camp—still without Santander present—the election offered a path back to legal, institutional rule rather than military decrees.
Venezuela’s constituent congress opened in Valencia in May 1830 to formalize separation and design a new government. This institutional step mattered because it moved Venezuelan independence from protest into state-building. It also reduced the bargaining leverage of Bogotá politicians who hoped to renegotiate the union.
On May 13, 1830, leaders in Quito declared the Southern District independent, creating the State of Ecuador and naming Juan José Flores as the top authority. This move showed that Gran Colombia was no longer a workable federation in practice. For Santanderistas in New Granada, Ecuador’s departure raised the urgency of building a stable successor state anchored in Bogotá.
On September 5, 1830, General Rafael Urdaneta removed the constitutional government and installed a military-led regime, claiming to act in Bolívar’s name. The coup deepened the split between Bolivarian military loyalists and civilian constitutionalists. In New Granada, Santander’s followers used the coup as evidence that the country needed to restore lawful institutions and limit military political power.
On September 22, 1830, Venezuela approved a new constitution, cementing its separation from Gran Colombia. By giving the split a legal foundation, Venezuela made reunification unlikely. This pushed New Granada’s politicians—many aligned with Santander’s legalist approach—toward designing a post–Gran Colombia order rather than trying to preserve the old one.
Simón Bolívar died on December 17, 1830, removing the figurehead Urdaneta had relied on for legitimacy. With Bolívar gone, the argument for holding power “until his return” collapsed, and opposition to the dictatorship grew. This moment opened space for civilian leaders associated with the constitutionalist cause to coordinate against the military government.
In April 1831, Domingo Caycedo claimed he was the legitimate constitutional executive and opened talks with Urdaneta. The two sides met and reached an agreement at Apulo, aiming to avoid a wider civil war and to return to constitutional order. The negotiations reflected the growing influence of civilian constitutionalists—the political current most associated with Santander’s earlier program of legality and administration.
In early May 1831, Urdaneta recognized Caycedo and relinquished control, ending the dictatorship in Bogotá. This transfer mattered because it restored a civilian-led constitutional path and weakened the precedent of military rule by decree. It also created the political opening for Santander’s network to return to national power through elections rather than force.
By late 1831, a new constituent process moved forward in New Granada, and Santander was chosen to lead the state that emerged from Gran Colombia’s center. His selection signaled a political shift toward the constitutionalist, civilian approach that his allies had defended during the breakup. The outcome also marked the practical end of any realistic project to rebuild Gran Colombia under a single government in Bogotá.
Francisco de Paula Santander's political maneuvering during Gran Colombia's breakup (1829–1831)