A small group of Philadelphia garment workers, led by Uriah S. Stephens, formed the Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor as a secret organization. Secrecy was meant to protect members from being fired for union activity and to build a disciplined, fraternal network. This founding created one of the first major efforts to organize workers nationally across many trades.
In its early years, the Knights promoted the idea that all “producers” (wage workers, farmers, and small business owners) shared common interests. Leaders argued that worker-run cooperatives could gradually replace the worst parts of industrial capitalism. This broader social vision helped the Knights attract people who wanted reforms beyond wages and hours.
The nationwide railroad upheaval of 1877 signaled that industrial conflict had become a national issue, and it helped drive interest in labor organization. After this strike wave, the Knights grew faster and gained visibility among workers looking for protection and bargaining power. The event marked a turning point from a small, secret order toward a mass movement.
In 1879, Terence V. Powderly became Grand Master Workman (the Knights’ top national office). Under Powderly, the organization aimed for broader recruitment and greater public influence, even as he often cautioned against strikes. His leadership shaped the Knights’ rapid rise in the 1880s—and later debates about how aggressive the union should be.
The Knights moved away from strict secrecy and reduced ritual as they sought to become a more open, mass-membership labor organization. This shift lowered barriers to recruitment and made public organizing easier, especially in a period of growing industrial unrest. It also marked a transition from a tightly guarded fraternal order to a more public labor movement.
A major Labor Day celebration in New York City helped make organized labor more visible in public life. Events like this supported the Knights’ strategy of building political influence and cultural respect for workers, not only workplace bargaining. It also showed how mass demonstrations could shape public debate about work and fairness.
Beginning March 1, 1886, a major strike spread across Jay Gould’s southwestern railroads and involved Knights-led organizing in multiple states. Courts issued injunctions (orders demanding strikers leave railroad property), and violence and state force undercut public support. The strike’s failure damaged the Knights’ reputation for winning disputes and exposed internal coordination limits.
A broad labor coalition prepared for May 1, 1886, as a national push to make eight hours a standard workday. The Knights supported the campaign, which linked local workplace fights to a clear nationwide demand. This effort helped drive a surge of strikes and rallies, but it also increased tensions and public scrutiny of labor activism.
After a bombing and violence at a Chicago labor rally on May 4, 1886, many people blamed unions broadly, and the Knights were widely linked to the unrest in public opinion. Even without proof of Knights’ responsibility, the backlash harmed recruitment and encouraged some locals to shift to other labor organizations. Haymarket became a major turning point toward the Knights’ decline.
In 1886 the Knights reached their high point, reporting about 700,000 members (with some estimates higher). This peak reflected successful organizing across many industries and skill levels, including workers often excluded elsewhere. The sheer scale was also hard to manage, leaving the organization stretched financially and administratively when major strikes hit.
In December 1886, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) reorganized around craft unions that focused on practical goals like wages, hours, and recognition. As the Knights struggled with strike defeats and public backlash, many workers and local leaders found the AFL’s narrower approach more workable. Competition with the AFL accelerated the Knights’ loss of influence.
The economic crisis that began in 1893 increased unemployment and employer pressure, making it harder for the Knights to sustain dues, strikes, and organizing. That same year, internal conflict over finances and strategy culminated in Powderly’s resignation as General Master Workman. By the end of this period (1869–1893), the Knights remained active but no longer led the U.S. labor movement.
Knights of Labor in the United States (1869–1893)